27

Elections in «democratic» Egypt

The Land Centre issued its report number(28) of the Civil Society series, which monitors the local elections which took place on 8/4/2008 with. Its objective is to identify the so-called democratic development experience in Egypt, and in an attempt to search for practical solutions to rise up with our society, and motivate citizens to participate, improve their ability to choose their representatives and help them build alternative frameworks for the advancement of our society.
The first section is a reading of political scene in which the elections took place, and which had been preceded two days earlier by a general strike called for by some strong social and political movements protesting against the increase in prices of food commodities, low wages and corruption. It was followed by a majority of citizens in solidarity with the call of Mahala workers for strike, which was planned for the 6th of April. Security systems in Egypt were struck with panic on that day, they mobilized thousands of soldiers in the streets in a number of cities throughout the country, most particularly in Cairo and Mahala, both of which have witnessed unfortunate incidents by security forces that led to the killing and injury of dozens of citizens and the arrestment of hundreds who were referred to prosecutors for investigation and detention centres, amidst a scene full of violence played by the security systems two days before elections to abort protest movements. Elections were also accompanied by the arrestment of dozens of members of the Muslim Brotherhood, dozens of activists and members of some political parties and forces in Egypt.
These events have coincided with the demands of the Egyptian National Movement to cancel the emergency law, release of the detainees and to ensure the rights of citizens to demonstrate, strike and to establish parties, trade unions and associations without the guardianship or interference of administrative authorities.
The second Section reviews the historical development of the local government in Egypt since 1883 and the development of the formation of municipals in 1909 when the moral person was recognized and it was formed from senior owners(elected) and the senior administrators (appointed) and Foreigners represented a part of the municipal councils appointed and elected. Then Act No. 124 of 1960, which divided the country into 26 provinces and one city (Luxour), urban governorates section into two levels; governorates and suburbs, rural provinces to five levels; governorates, centres, cities, villages and suburbs.
At the level below there are 126 administrative zones, 4496 villages and 199 towns and until 1975 the local council prepared the draft budget which then was adopted by the governor and later ratified by the President of the Republic.
Since 1975 the preparation of projects for towns, cities and districts takes place through local councils and then are presented to the executive council (elected) which have the right to approve or reject and after that the draft budget is attached to the general State’s budget for approval by the People's Assembly.
The third section of the report reviews the laws that organized the work of local councils since the 1965 Constitution, which divided the local administration into units with a moral person (elected members) and enumerated their functions, and law number 124 for the year 1961 was issued according to the constitution, and which adopted the uniformity of pattern, and divided the local administration to three units (governorates – cities – villages) and adopted a different composition regarding the members of the municipalities (elected – appointed – chosen based on competence).
After that came the constitution of 71 which is still in force, and which in its third branch of the third section (articles 161 to 163) defined the formation method for municipalities, and how to elect their members. And after that the number 57 for 1971 was issued and where the term local government replaced that of local administration, it also introduced the system of two councils on the governorate level; one local headed by the secretary of the Socialist Union, and the other executive headed by the governorate. Later, law number 52 for the year 1975 was issued and added two new units to make thus five units which are the governorate, centre, city, neighbourhood and village, and rendered the formation of the municipals by direct election for each local unit. Afterwards, law number 43 for the year 1979 which replaced again the name local council by municipals and reinforced the authority of governors versus the authority of elected members.
Then came the law number 50 for the year 1981 which introduced the systems of election through party lists for the formation of municipals, and added some authorizations to their members which had been earlier withdrawn. Then law number 168 for the year 1988 which replaced again the name municipal (local government) with local administration and considered the governor as the representative of the executive authority in the governorate instead of representing the president of the republic. It also united the election through a party list to the individual voting, and cancelled the obligatory representation of women in the formation of local councils in addition to canceling the investigation right formerly attributed to members of local council.
The report showed the size of local council in Egypt, where there are 184 centres, 228 cities, 78 neighbourhoods, local units in villages 1228, sub villages 3394, villages not included in local units 69, villages 4673 and smaller rural areas (smaller than villages) reached 26527.
The fourth part of the report mentions some comic scenes which took place during the elections for the period 2008 – 2012, where they were supposed to be run for 52000 places on all levels, nevertheless around 45000 places were filled by nomination in favor of the NDP, which means that elections ran for 7000 places, and the main reason for the nomination process that took place for 85% of the units was that the potential candidates were not allowed to enroll since the very beginning ( registrations were closed) Candidates from opposition parties reached around 1000, and after the withdrawal of Muslim Brothers few days before the elections who protested against the lake of execution of verdicts they had obtained through courts to register their candidates which they estimated to be around 20%, while the NDP kept more than 90% of the places before the elections had started.
Form another side the report shows violations to verdicts by authorities, where administrative courts had issued verdicts to stop elections in all local units in Cairo, Geiza, Sharquiya, Ismaeileya, Gharbeiya, Kafr El Sheikh, Fayoum, Beny Sweiff, Menoufeiya, Port Said and Quena governorates, nevertheless the government ignored the verdicts and carried on with the election on the remaining seats to get over with the fake election scene as soon as possible.
The report mentions more than 100 cases of citizens who have been forbidden from applying and being accepted, and it showed that it was impossible to register without the approval of security systems, it also shows different violation of candidates’ rights, use of violence against some and arresting some others or their supporters before the elecions’ day.
The report also mentions some events that took place on the 8th of April and which the LCHR had received through the follow it did on some of the units in Quena, Beny Sweiff, Geiza, Beheira and Daquahkeiya governorate, where as is the habit on voting days in Egypt, where successive violation followed to confirm that Egyptian elections are not submitted to any quality tests or indicators to guarantee their transparency, yet the Egyptian authority had proved their originality in methods to forge the results and betray the will of citizens. Violations to the rights of some voters, candidates’ assistants and reporters of the LCHR who had not been allowed into the voting bureaus to practice their rights by the law. Some of the electoral cards were filled by security forces, or members of NDP or even by some of the supervisors inside the bureaus, in addition to the eminent presence of security forces and publicity for certain candidates inside the voting bureaus. In addition their was direct bribing to voters with money or food. Participation in rural areas was restricted in many cases on officials and administrative employers who were asked to vote, where the LCHR reporters received quotes such as «the play is not lacking your presence» The legal committee which was supposed to supervise was completely absent, and some of the LCHR reporters and some of the candidates were looking unsuccessfully for the committees address the whole day, in addition to repeated mistakes in the electoral lists. Despite all that and by the end of the electoral scene on the 8th of April, which contained candidates, electors, publicities, security forces, observers, civil society organizations, local and foreign financing, national and rights councils and an independent committee for supervising the elections, we can honestly say that «yes, there were elections in Egypt on the 8th of April» but it smelled strong of violence and oppression of security forces against people in Mahalla, and tasted of military courts for citizens, and it took place under the emergency law, the restrictions on establishing parties, syndicates etc, and deprivation of citizens from practicing their rights, yes there elections but unlike many others, Egyptian elections play a role in the negative democratic development who was sent for early retirement under our wise clean government!!
Finally the report reviews some comments and recommendations for conclusions, where on top of the list comes the cancellation of the emergency law, the release of detainees and the amendment to current laws hindering the practice of political rights for parties, syndicates etc, in order to allow citizens to choose freely their representatives. The report adds that such policies should come through governments and alternative programs aiming to change the society and allow citizens, parties, syndicates, movements etc, to participate in running their country. They also aim at enabling the limited income class to live properly, and to guarantee their chance to a suitable job, house, food, health care and education.
The LCHR is calling all the civil society organizations to work together on raining the people’s awareness and on organizing them to protect our rights and our future in Egypt.